30 April 2009

Statement by Johnnie Carson at Confirmation Hearing Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee

The following is an excerpt from the statement of Ambassador Johnnie Carson, nominee for United States Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, in front of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on April 29, 2009 in Washington, DC. For the full statement, please click here.


Africa is important to the United States for a number of reasons. Our history and our heritage are directly linked to Africa. Over thirteen percent of America's population is of African origin, including our current president. But our interests and concern in Africa reach far beyond ethnicity and national origin and are based on our fundamental interests in promoting peace and stability, democratic rule and good governance and sustained economic growth across the continent – the absence of which invariably impacts the United States. We also see Africa as a major trading partner, especially in the area of hydrocarbons. Fifteen percent of America's oil comes from Africa and the continent supplies the majority of the liquefied natural gas consumed by the eastern United States. Africa's economic potential is vast and its importance as a trading partner will continue to grow.

As we near the conclusion of the first full decade of the 21st century, the greatest moments in Africa's long history have not yet been written. Fifty years after most African states achieved their independence the continent is still striving to realize its enormous potential and to play a more significant role on the world stage. I am optimistic about Africa's long term future and believe the continent has the capacity to overcome its past problems and meet its current challenges.

During the past decade Africa has made great progress in democratization, economic policy reform and the reduction of violent conflict. The greatest progress has been made in the area of democracy and governance. Africans support democracy and the values that underpin it. The two most recent examples of this are to be found in Ghana and South Africa. On January 3rd of this year, Ghanaians went to the polls and selected John Atta Mills as their new president, marking the fourth successful presidential election in that country over the past fifteen years and the second time the ruling party has been replaced by the opposition. And on April 22, over 13 million South Africans – blacks, whites and coloreds -- went peacefully to the polls to elect a new president, Jacob Zuma. Mr. Zuma is South Africa's fourth president since the end of the apartheid era. These recent elections in Ghana and South Africa are not unique and represent an aspect of Africa's unfolding democratic history that is often overlooked. Since 1998, dozens of African countries have embraced democratic rule. Today, 12 of Africa's 48 states are regarded as full democracies while 23 others are regarded by Freedom House as partial democracies. This is a remarkable achievement given that thirty years ago military dictatorships and one party states predominated across the continent.

Mr. Chairman, despite these very meaningful achievements, Africa still faces serious challenges in all of the areas that I have just discussed. Africa's democratic gains cannot be taken for granted. Democratic institutions across the continent remain fragile and vulnerable to authoritarian leaders and ambitious soldiers. In the past twelve months, African militaries have intervened illegally and unconstitutionally in four different countries – Madagascar, Guinea Bissau, Guinea (Conakry) and Mauritania. And deeply flawed elections in a number of countries, including Kenya, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe, have caused deep concern at home and abroad.

Africa's strong decade-long economic performance is also in jeopardy because of the current global financial crisis. Although Africa accounts for less than five percent of the global economy, it has not avoided the negative effects of the current economic situation. The steep rise in fuel, food, and fertilizer costs last summer and the wild swings in commodity prices threaten to erode some of Africa's recent economic gains. With declining export earnings and foreign exchange reserves, Africa's poorest nations run the risk of falling backward into new indebtedness and deeper poverty.


To read Ambassador Johnnie Carson's entire testimony, please click here.


28 April 2009

African First Ladies Forge New US Partnerships


Last week, I attended the first African First Ladies' Leadership Health Summit in Los Angeles, California where over 400 participants from the private sector, public sector and Hollywood came together to discuss maternal health and child survival, HIV/AIDS, TB and malaria, and girl's education. The event was hosted by African Synergy and US Doctors for Africa.

To say it was impressive is an understatement. For two days, we sat through panels, luncheons, and in-depth breakout sessions that ended with an extravagant evening gala and a sense of accomplishment with actionable goals and pledges for new commitments. For the first time, a summit was held focusing on the role of the First Ladies and the international community towards improving Africa's development. Various high-profile speakers delivered remarks, including the First Ladies, as well as Melanne Verveer, the US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues, Sarah Brown, wife of British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, Zainab Salbi, founder and CEO of Women for Women International, actress and activist Maria Bello, and the First Lady of California Maria Shriver.

This historic gathering went above and beyond the expectations of many with a balanced mix of policy expertise, pomp and circumstance, and constructive engagement on serious issues. It was an important first step towards the kind of global exchange that is needed. What most impressed me was the passion and conviction that each First Lady spoke with. One by one, they introduced their own country's policies and new approaches to improve women's health, such as Mozambique's drafting of gender equity laws and Nigeria's "Mama Kit".

It's even more important, however, that this dialogue be expanded to include more African voices, particularly from civil society and the diaspora in future exchanges. To improve the health and well-being of women and girls in Africa, all stakeholders must be at the same table, to the same summit, with the same opportunity to participate in these discussions. Civil society's role in peace and development cannot be overemphasized. It is my hope that at the next African First Ladies Leadership Health Summit, the First Ladies will have the opportunity to meet with more African civil society organizations from Africa and the diaspora and engage with them on the most critical issues affecting their beloved Africa.

To view more pictures from the Summit, click below:
African First Ladies Health Summit April 2009


Semhar Araia is an Africa analyst and consultant living in Washington, DC.

16 April 2009

Darfur Debate Ends With More Questions Than Answers

In no less than 24 hours since the much anticipated Mamdani-Prendergast debate on Darfur at Columbia University on April 14, bloggers have run amok with all kinds of biased summaries of the event. Reading the Twitter and blog posts, it really sounded like there wasn’t any substantive discourse on the issues and that Darfur activists really were “under fire”.

But my non-Columbia affiliated perspective took away much more from the debate than what’s been posted so far and I think it's time for a more thorough overview and analysis of the evening.

First, let’s be clear. The purpose of the debate was simple and outlined by the moderator, Columbia University Law School professor, Peter Rosenblum. It was to discuss the problem in Darfur and to identify ways forward for Sudan.

These questions were intended to reveal just how in-depth and thought provoking the debate was supposed to, despite the flashy questions on the event flyer regarding the definition of genocide and the role of activist organizations.

The debate was also organized to let the public listen to a healthy and vigorous exchange from two of the most vocal and notable Africanists on Sudan, Columbia University Professor Mahmood Mamdani and John Prendergast, Co-Chair of the Enough Project.

One, an academic. The other, a practitioner. Now, I know and have worked with Prendergast and I follow Mamdani’s arguments regularly. So for Sudan junkies like myself, it was just too good to be true.

I sat nervously waiting for the verbal bloodshed and onslaught that was about to happen. But it never did. Gone were the inflammatory remarks, finger pointing, and short tempers. (Maybe not completely, but you get the idea.)

Instead of a huge collision, we watched a race that was slow to start and ended on two completely different roads. Not surprisingly, both panelists walked away thinking they won the debate!


Question 1 – What is the Problem in Sudan?

Prendergast: Prendergast answered with a narrative of a displaced Darfuri woman fearing for her life since the Government of Sudan expelled the humanitarian aid groups last month. He raised Sudan's colonial history, its nation building challenges, the North-South's war and its fragile peace and finally, Darfur and the Government of Sudan's use of militia and brutal violence to quash the rebels. It was not a history lesson, nor did it claim to be. It was a review of the real challenges Sudan and its people are facing today and have faced for the last fifty years.

Mamdani: Mamdani explained where his fascination with the Darfur advocacy movement stemmed from and why he focused on mortality rates released by groups like Save Darfur and the World Health Organization. He provided a historical overview of the origins of the civil war in Darfur, his concerns with Save Darfur and its messaging, the ICC arrest warrant for Sudanese President Bashir, and emphasized the de-escalation of mortality rates in Darfur since 2005.


Question 2 - What Is the Way Forward for Sudan?

Prendergast: Prendergast presented five opportunities for peace in Sudan and emphasized that Africa remains a place full of hope and strength, with solutions for its own future. He proposed possible political, humanitarian, economic and military measures that could be undertaken by the Sudanese and the greater international community. He also examined the role of the Government of Sudan, the rebels, Sudanese civil society, permanent members of the UN Security Council, and global activists in the United States and abroad.

Mamdani: Mamdani stressed that justice should not be the driving motivation for the international community and Darfuris should use their own voices for justice. He argued that regional organizations and Sudan’s neighbors should help solve the problem in Darfur, not the international community. He said the public was being misled on the crisis in Darfur and blamed media for the sensationalized stories we hear today. Mamdani also dismissed the notion that China and Russia had a critical role to play in helping achieve peace in Sudan.

Instead of providing new solutions for Darfur, Mamdani diverted the discussion from examining the actual problems in Sudan to the external problems affecting Sudan. How unfortunate during this critical time, he chose to focus his energy on messaging, statistical analysis and semantics, when 2009 has wracked the people of Sudan with the harshest realities on the ground imaginable.



Question & Answer Session

Darfuris, other Africans, and even some brave Columbia students, used the Q & A session to challenge Mamdani on the fallacy of his arguments, his factual errors, and seemingly apologist rhetoric on behalf of Khartoum.

For over an hour, audience members directed heated questions and comments to him, holding back their anger and confusion over his repeated dismissal over what so many Darfurians have been saying for years.

Ultimately, Prendergast’s proposals seemed to fall on the deaf ears of Mamdani and a majority of the audience. Clearly many came with their minds made up and chose to focus on Save Darfur and all its activist baggage - not on Darfur and its crisis.

So sadly, just as it began, the debate ended as if on two separate roads and the original purpose was again drowned out by the flashier, sexier side of who’s really to blame for Africa’s problems.



Semhar Araia is an Africa analyst and consultant living in Washington, DC.